~ The MI News ~

Summer  2003 Edition  (Volume 5, Number 2) |

Publisher Branton Shearer | Editor Cliff Morris |


This electronic-only (spring, summer, fall, and winter) newsletter is provided by Dr. Charles Branton Shearer's Multiple Intelligences (MI) Research and Consulting.  Since 1999, we have published two version of the newsletter: this web version and a corresponding email version. While both versions contain the same content, the email version is more abbreviated that this version. In the email version, readers are only introduced to each section and then asked to click on a corresponding web site link for the full-text version. Here are five items about the email version.

If you have creative ideas about Howard Gardner's Theory of Multiple Intelligences (MI), have a tried-and-tested MI-based lesson plan, or you have some practical MI suggestions that you feel our readers would enjoy viewing, please email me, Clifford Morris. While we foster readers to become familiar with our own MI newsletter, we also bring to your attention two (2) other just excellent MI newsletters.  Both are excellent newsletters and contain practical articles, meaningful programs, and innovative approaches.  To read all of the fine issues of the American Educational Research Association (AERA) MI-SIG' newsletters, click here.  And to read another series of fine newsletters, published by the Association of Supervision and Curriculum Development (ASCD), please feel free to click here.

Finally, and as an aside, I was in Chicago during the week of April 20-27 to attend the 2003 Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association (AERA). It was a privilege for me to meet so many MI followers. They flew in from all corners of the world to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the publication of Gardner's Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences and to partake in the special three-day MI Symposium.


Table of Contents |

1.      20 years of Multiple Intelligences: Reflections and a Blueprint for the Future by Howard Gardner
 

2.      Mind / Brain Relations and Multiple Intelligences by Patricia Carpenter
 

3.      The Multiple Intelligences of Reading and Writing: Making the Words Come Alive by Thomas Armstrong
 


1.  20 years of Multiple Intelligences: Reflections and a Blueprint for the Future by Howard Gardner

On Monday, April 21, during a Presidential Invited Sessions, at the 2003 Annual AERA Meeting, I sat in front of Howard Gardner as he sketched the evolution, development and future possibilities of his Theory of Multiple Intelligences. The title of his commentary was 20 years of Multiple Intelligences: Reflections and a Blueprint for the Future. Here are seven (7) quotes taken (out of context) from the first part of his interesting talk.

1.       ... In 1967 my continuing interest in the arts prompted me to become a founding member of Project Zero, a basic research group at the Harvard Graduate School of Education begun by a noted philosopher of art, Nelson Goodman.  For 28 years, I was the co-director of Project Zero and I am happy to say that the organization continues to thrive ...
 

2.        ... I was fascinated  by [Norman] Geschwind’s discussion of what happens to once normal or gifted individuals who have the misfortune of suffering from a stroke or some other form of brain damage ... I ended up working for twenty years on a neuropsychological unit, trying to understand the organization of human abilities in the brain ...
 

3.        ... In 1979, a group of researchers affiliated with the Harvard Graduate School of Education received  a sizeable grant from a Dutch foundation, the Bernard Van Leer Foundation ... When we carved out our respective projects, I received an interesting assignment: to write a book about what had been established about human cognition through discoveries in the biological and behavioral sciences.  Thus was born the research program that led to the theory of multiple intelligences.
 

4.       Support from the Van Leer Foundation allowed me to carry out an extensive research program ... I saw this as a[n] ... opportunity to collate and synthesize what I and others had learned about the development of cognitive capacities in normal and gifted children as well as the breakdown of such capacities in individuals who suffered some form of pathology ... My colleagues and I combed the literature from brain study, genetics, anthropology, and psychology in an effort to ascertain the optimal taxonomy of human capacities.
 

5.       I can identify a number of crucial turning points in this investigation ... I decided to call these faculties “multiple intelligences” rather than abilities or gifts ... This seemingly minor lexical substitution proved very important ... A second crucial point was the creation of a definition of an intelligence and the identification of a set of criteria that define what is, and what is not, an  intelligence ... I feel that the definition and the criteria are among the most original parts of the work ...
 

6.       ... given the mission of the Van Leer Foundation, it was clear to me that I needed to say something about the educational implications of MI theory ... I conducted some research on education and touched on some educational implications of the theory ... This decision turned out to be another crucial point because it was educators, rather than psychologists, who found the theory of most interest ...
 

7.       ... The main lines of the argument had become clear.  I was claiming that all human beings possess not just a single intelligence (often called “g” for general intelligence).  Rather, as a species we human beings are better described as having a set of relatively autonomous intelligences ... While we all have these intelligences, individuals differ for both genetic and experiential reasons in their respective profiles of intellectual strengths and weaknesses.  No intelligence is in and of itself artistic or non-artistic; rather several intelligences can be put to aesthetic ends, if individuals so desire ...

To read the full-text of his talk, go to http://pzweb.harvard.edu/PIs/HG.htm and click on the "NEW" link, on the left hand side of his home page.


2.  Mind / Brain Relations and Multiple Intelligences by Patricia Carpenter

Later on in that same afternoon, I was again privileged to hear another MI commentary ... only this time from Dr. Patricia Carpenter, currently the Lee and Marge Gregg Professor of Psychologist at Carnegie Mellon University and also a member of the Center for the Neural Basis of Cognition. As one of the pioneers in the study of language and reading comprehension, she is actively engaged in applying the results of neuroscience research findings from traditional behavioral studies of cognition.  Her ongoing research interests include mental imagery, problem solving, language comprehension, and visually-based problem solving.

Here is what she said at that time:

"After a career of examining individual differences in cognition and almost a decade of using neuroimaging, it is a delight to bring these research interests to bear on the issue of multiple intelligences (Gardner 1983, 1999).  Before addressing multiple intelligences, I think it is crucial to try to understand the relationship between what we call 'mind,' that is, the processes of perceiving, thinking and acting, and the brain.  I will summarize a novel proposal (Davia, 2003) that may solve some fundamental issues in my field and help us understand better the multiple intelligences, our own as well as those with whom we interact in our classrooms.

The success of neuroimaging, that is, our technical ability to monitor and quantify the waves of activity that occur as someone looks at a checkerboard or solves a mental rotation problem, has led to some paradoxes.  Let me give two examples.  One is that the areas and amount of activation depends on the skills of the individual relative to the task.  For example, in a mental rotation task, there is a network of activity in various areas (including the parietal and inferior temporal regions), and the amount of activity increases with the difficulty of the problem (Carpenter, et al., 1999); similar results have been found across all sorts of tasks, language comprehension, objects recognition.  Similarly, early stages of learning to rotate (in Tetris) are characterized by widespread activation; skill results in much, much less (Haier et al., 1992).  Clearly, the brain is intimately involved in mind, but we do not yet have a non-reductionist answer to the question:

How do we ground our understanding of perceptions -thoughts -actions in biology?

One difficulty might be that in cognitive psychology and cognitive neuroscience, we generally assume that the mind/brain represents an external world.  This representation assumption is widespread in spite of a number of baffling questions that it leaves in its wake.  One is accounting for how perception changes as you learn, for example, as you become a chess player, a reader, a musician, a teacher or a radiologist.   Perception isn't some neutral, unedited snapshot of the world; it depends in part on the expertise of the perceiver!

But not every theorist accepts the representation assumption.  The perceptual psychologist, J. J. Gibson (1979) argued against it and emphasized that perception is sensitive to invariants (spatial relations that persist through time).  I think the best evidence for Gibson comes from recent sensory substitution research helping the blind to see.  One of the most compelling demonstrations, by Meijer (2002), uses auditory 'sound-scapes' generated by a camera that sweeps the scene from left-to-right and top-to-bottom, and varies the amplitude according to the intensity.  The fact that a person who was blind was able to learn to see after working with this system for two years is consistent with the hypothesis that visual perception depends on invariants, not the eyes per se. Also, dynamic systems theorists have argued against representation assumption (e.g., Swenson & Turvey, 1991; Thelen & Smith, 1994; van Gelder, 1998).

Nevertheless, a second question is:  What alternative is there to the hypothesis that we represent or code an external world?

To address these issues, let's consider a novel proposal by Davia (2003) on the relation of mind and brain, a proposal that is related to other proposals about embodied cognition (Maturana & Varela, 1980; Varela, Thompson & Rosch, 1991).  Because my time is brief, this is an invitation for you to read these proposals and begin a dialogue (Davia, 2003).

First, like the neuroscientists Maturana and Varela, Davia suggests that we root our understanding of cognitive processing in living systems.  Specifically, he asked 'how do living systems, whether a human being, an organ or cell, maintain their organization in environments that includes other complex, dynamic systems; what enables their ability to persist?' Or relatedly, we are used to thinking about physiological systems that have 'functions' such as perception, memory, language. What enables those 'functional' systems to persist as organized entities?  Are there yet other systems that maintain those systems; and if so, might there not be an infinite regress?

For a specific answer, Davia (2003) looked to catalysts, such as enzymes, and the process of catalysis. Enzymes are molecules that speed a chemical reaction and then emerge unchanged.  Catalysis, at an abstract level, is the process of moving to a more stable thermodynamic state; two less stable molecular reagents may combine into a single, more thermodynamically stable product. Catalysis is a process by which structural hindrances (such as the shapes of the molecules) are somehow overcome to facilitate the thermodynamic reaction.   A basic summary of his thesis is:

There is a single process that underlies all living processes, including neural processes and psychological processes. That process is catalysis.

To go to the end-point of his thesis, Davia argues that in a very real way, not metaphorically, our perceptions, our thoughts, and our very being are catalytic processes that make explicit the implicit orders (invariants) that are present in our environment; the brain is a catalyst.

Recent research that suggests that enzyme catalysis may involve soliton waves (Davia, 2003).  Solitons were discovered in water in a canal in the mid-1800's.  They are very robust, solitary waves (hence, solitons) that maintain their energy and structure while traveling a relatively long distance.  They are on the cusp between ordinary, dissipative, linear waves and chaotic, white-water waves.   Solitons are a vibrational mode of the enzyme that enables the molecular reagents to overcome the structural hindrance (their normal shapes) that typically stand in the way of their 'getting together.'  Importantly, solitons can only persist in environments with order or invariants. Davia suggests that they persist by utilizing that order.

Key to Davia's argument is his observation that solitons are ubiquitous in living systems,  not just at the level of the enzyme, but also in muscle contraction and expansion, protein folding, and the surface of cells. The neural action of the heart conforms to a soliton, and importantly, neural firings are solitons.  In other words, the solitonic mechanism may not just mediate catalysis at enzymatic level, but also up the scale to the action of neurons.

Perhaps you've followed this argument sufficiently to understand what catalysis might mean for enzymes at the molecular level.  But what might it mean for the brain?  The suggestion is that the brain provides paths for the energy that arises from glucose and oxygen to dissipate according to the invariants in the patterns that are imposed by the senses and the body (Davia, 2003). We are not representing the patterns in the environment, we are catalyzing those patterns.

What intuition might clarify this new way of thinking about the mind/brain relation?  Imagine a child she can recognize a visual pattern, looking at a pattern of dots that happen to make what we recognize as a pattern, say a triangle (borrowed from Davia).  In the V-1 layer of her cortex, there are chaotic neural firings, dissipative and white-water waves of energy.  But at some point, when the child first perceives the triangle, the spatial relations that define the triangle persist, perhaps sustaining a solitonic wave of neural activity. Thus, the triangle is not the pattern of dots, but actually is made explicit by the child's phenomenology. The triangle comes into being in her experience.  When the tree falls in the forest, there are waves, but sound occurs if the woodcutter's neural system metabolizes that pattern.  Our experience, the very stuff of our human lives, occurs not by representing some fixed outside environment, but by making explicit the patterns (invariances) through the process of catalysis.

Such a process provides a possible mechanism for the direct perception discussed by Gibson (1979) and others (including Shepard, 1984). It suggests that the brain is attempting to find paths to dissipate the energy imposed by the senses and tasks; of course, the disspation paths are novel when a skill is only being learned.  Expertise involves the automatic invocation of the appropriate strategies; the brain may be trying to get to a place where it doesn't have to change (Davia, 2003). It provides a way to explain how expertise influences perception; expertise is, in part, increasing sensitivity to patterns in the environment, at several levels. The theory provides a possible mechanism to explain how sensory substitution, including Meijer's sound-scapes, might enable an individual who is blind to see with an entirely different sensory input. The ability of waves of neural activity to be sustained in the brain depends upon the invariants on the environment, imposed by the senses. The real revolutionary implication is that we are not representing a fixed, exterior environment, rather, the very phenomenology of perception makes explicit the patterns.  We do not fantasize the world, but neither is it independent of the perceiver.

Davia's proposal is a theory, just like information processing is a theory, but I believe it has some profound implications for how we view multiple intelligences.  First, there is the fractal nature of catalysis; fractals are associated with self-similar structures that have a theme but also variety.  Davia's theory suggests that living processes are mediating our environments at all levels, essentially fractal processes.  Their apparent dissimilarity may be the result of the fact that catalysts at a 'higher level' catalyze different, more complex environments.  The fractal nature of catalysis reflects the inherent creativity of living processes.  So I would agree with Howard Gardner that there are multiple intelligences, but this model suggests that seven does not capture the inherent variability in human experience.  Just as the number of different snow flakes may be infinite, so too human intelligences, in the sense of human phenomenologies.

Second, this theory suggests an intimate relation between environment and phenomenology; we are not agents that are independent of our environments.  Our experiences, the phenomenology that constitutes of our lives, are very much dependent on the transitions of the environments that we are catalyzing.

The metabolism that constitutes perceiving and thinking, are anchored in our bodies and nervous systems. The model may give a new role to the intelligence that is carried in the body, that constitutes the expertise we've implicitly acquired from our experience in the world.  Of course, we can build on that expertise through instruction, but it suggests a key role for learning-by-doing.

I honor Gardner's theories because they have opened up the concepts of intelligence and creativity and made both concepts richer and more varied than were acknowledged previously in my field.  Davia's proposal takes Gardner's ideas in a new direction, suggesting that the variety underlying 'intelligence' is much greater, as it is in all living processes; it suggests that creativity is central to phenomenology.  Both insights, I hope, will inform and change how it is that we help our children learn to be in the world."

References

Carpenter, P. A., Just, M. A., Keller, T. A., Eddy, W. F., & Thulborn, K. R. (1999).  Graded functional activation in the visuo-spatial system with the amount of task demand.  Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 11

Davia, C.J. (2003).  Minds, brains and catalysis: An ontological approach.  Manuscript submitted to Behavioral and Brain Sciences.  Available from the author (Davia@andrew.cmu.edu); Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, Pa. 15213.

Gardner, H.  (1983).  Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences. New York: Basic Books.

Gardner, H. (1999).  Intelligence Reframed: Multiple Intelligences for the 21st Century.  New York: Basic Books

Gibson, J. J. (1979).  The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co.

Haier, R. et al. (1992)  Cortical glucose metabolic rate correlates of abstract reasoning and attention studied with positron emission tomography.  Intelligence, 12, 199-217.

Maturana, H. R., & Varela, F. J., (1980) Autopoiesis and Cognition: The Realization of the Living.  Vol. 42: Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science. Dordrecht: D. Reidel.

Meijer, P. (2002) Sensory Substitution I: Visual Consciousness in Blind Subjects? Presentation in the Tucson 2002 conference, "Toward a science of consciousness." Tucson, AZ.

Reichle, E. D., Carpenter, P. A., & Just, M. A. (2000)  The neural bases of strategy and skill in sentence-picture verification.  Cognitive Psychology, 40, 261-295.

Swenson, R., & Turvey, M. T. (1991). Thermodynamic reasons for perception-action cycles.  Ecological Psychology, 3, 317-348.

Thelen, E. & Smith, L. B., (1994). A Dynamical Systems Approach to Development of Cognition and Action. MIT, MA: Bradford Books, MIT Press.

van Gelder, T. (1998). The dynamical hypothesis in cognitive science. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 21 (5): 615-665.

Varela, F., J., Thompson, E., & Rosch, E. (1991). The Embodied Mind: Cognitive Science and Human Experience.  Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.


3.  The Multiple Intelligences of Reading and Writing: Making the Words Come Alive by Thomas Armstrong

In The Multiple Intelligences of Reading and Writing: Making the Words Come Alive, Thomas Armstrong shows us, once again, how to use Howard Gardner's Theory of Multiple Intelligences to help anyone, especially students, to become more effective readers and writers by connecting words to images, feelings, logic, physical expression, music, social interaction, oral language, and nature. This informative book provides numerous ideas, strategies, tips and resources for teaching everything from grammar and spelling to word decoding and reading comprehension.

Here is the Table of Contents to that book with items 2-4 available on-line for your viewing.

1.      Dedication

2.      Introduction

3.      Chapter 1. Literacy, Multiple Intelligences, and the Brain

4.      Chapter 2. Coming to Grips with the Musculature of Words

5.      Chapter 3. Seeing the Visual Basis of Literacy

6.      Chapter 4. Grooving with the Rhythms of Language

7.      Chapter 5. Calculating the Logic of Words

8.      Chapter 6. Feeling the Emotional Power of Text

9.      Chapter 7. Relating to the Social Context of Literacy

10. Chapter 8. Speaking Out About the Oral Basis of Reading and Writing

11. Chapter 9. Opening the Book of Nature

12. Conclusion

13. References

 The Multiple Intelligences of Reading and Writing: Making the Words Come Alive

by Thomas Armstrong

Introduction

This book has its origins in two separate but related issues in my life, one a joyful personal experience and the other a professional conundrum. First, let me speak of the joyful experience. About five years ago, I happened to be watching a videotape of the Al Pacino film Looking for Richard. In this picture, which is part documentary and part Shakespearean performance, Pacino takes the viewer through the various stages of putting on the play Richard III. We see the actors meeting to discuss roles, we hear interviews with people on the street concerning their feelings about Shakespeare, we see Pacino himself commenting on the play and its history, and we get, of course, several scenes from the play itself. Seeing this picture was a kind of miraculous turning point for me in my intellectual life. Before this, I had not been much of a reader since college 25 years earlier.

Just to give you a sense of where I was at with literacy, when I was a teacher in the public school system I remember taking some courses for the purpose of obtaining a salary increment, but I was so lazy or so “a-literate“ (able to read but choosing not to) that I read the Cliffs Notesinstead of the actual texts. After seeing Looking for Richard, however, I started to read Shakespeare's plays. I read the mass-market paperback versions put out by the Folger Shakespeare Library in Washington, D.C. I liked them because they put the explanations of difficult words and phrases on the facing page instead of in footnotes at the bottom of the page (this arrangement prevented me from getting dizzy or headachy through moving my head up and down all the time). I devoured most of the plays in a matter of months. I loved them!

After Shakespeare's plays, I went on to other books and authors. I became interested in the whole Western cultural tradition. I purchased taped courses from The Teaching Company (www.teach12.com), an organization that tapes lectures from some of the best college professors in the country on a variety of topics in the humanities and the sciences. I especially loved the taped lectures on American and British literature by Professor Arnold Weinstein of Brown University. I began (finally) to do the reading for my courses. I fell in love with Plato's The Republic and Dante's The Divine Comedy, with Rabelais, with the Argentinean writer Jorge Luis Borges (the Rod Serling of the international literary world), with Hemingway, Faulkner, Marcus Aurelius, Thomas More, Homer, Thoreau, Dickens, Woolf, Joyce, Austen, Ellison, Morrison; books became like salted peanuts to me. I just couldn't stop! The time that I had been spending before bedtime flipping through the several hundred channels of my cable system, I now spent reading. And it's amazing how much reading a person can do in a few years if he reads for just an hour or two a day. At any rate, what I'm trying to say is that after 25 years as an educator, I finally started to become truly literate myself. This naturally filled me with a desire to share my joy in some way with the world. So, the idea of writing a book that would help children and adults learn how to read and write, so that they too could experience the wonder and excitement of the written word, seemed very appropriate to me as a next step in my own development.

Now, on to the conundrum. Back in the late 1980s, when the theory of multiple intelligences (MI theory) was still in its infancy and I was beginning to do workshops for educators on this emerging topic, I was often asked a question that made me uncomfortable. Though it was asked in different ways, the basic question almost always took something close to the following form: “Both you and Howard Gardner say that there are many different ways to learn and teach. But right now you are lecturing to us about multiple intelligences in only one intelligence: linguistic intelligence. Doesn't that tell us that this particular intelligence is the most important one?“ There would usually be a momentary silence, following which I would hem and haw and tell them that, if I wanted to, I could sing to them about multiple intelligences, dance the multiple intelligences, draw the multiple intelligences, and so forth. But the fact is, I didn't. Over time, in part as a response to this question, I learned to incorporate all the intelligences into my workshops so that participants would be singing, chanting, dancing, drawing, visualizing, and in other ways using all eight of Gardner's intelligences. The fact that I did this, coupled with the increasing acceptance of MI theory as a mainstream concept in education, eventually caused this question to go away. Nowadays, I almost never get asked a question like this at my workshops. Perhaps I should shout “Hurrah! I made the bad question go away!“ and go on to other matters. The truth is, however, that I am still troubled by the question, and even quietly disappointed that nobody asks it very much anymore. Because I think the question is still a valid one and quite fundamental to the ongoing discourse on multiple intelligences.

Consider the following. Gardner initially introduced the theory of multiple intelligences to the world through a book: Frames of Mind. This book received many awards, tremendous media publicity (incredible for a book on education), and was ultimately named by Education Week as one of the 100 most influential education books of the 20th century. One might argue persuasively that the entire theory of multiple intelligences, and the great changes that it has evoked in thousands of schools worldwide, originally emerged from this single linguistic product. Add to this comments by Gardner to interviewers that his own teaching style at the Harvard School of Education relies heavily on lectures and reading. Further consider that although there are multimedia products, videos, and other nonlinguistic resources available for communicating about the concepts of multiple intelligences, the vast bulk of materials on MI theory are in the form of books, articles, audiotapes, and other linguistic sources. Finally, it should be noted that although I do involve my workshop participants actively in all eight of the intelligences, the largest part of my workshops, by far, are taken up by my own lectures, group discussions, questions and answers, and handouts“all of them, linguistic teaching strategies. It might also be added, almost parenthetically, that what you are holding in your hands right now also is a linguistic product: a book that is attempting to come to grips with all of this.

What if Gardner had originally decided to present his ideas about multiple intelligences in the form of a song? Would anybody have listened? What if he had choreographed the concept and presented it as a dance at a large theater hall? Would anybody have showed up? What I am trying to point out here is that the question I was so bothered about in my early workshops is still alive and deserves to be brought to the surface and openly debated in the fullest possible way. There seems to be a basic contradiction when it comes to the actual practice of the theory of multiple intelligences. On the one hand, we say that students should be able to learn and be taught in many different intelligences. On the other hand, when we look at what our culture actually does, what it values most, what it spends most of its time focusing on, we find linguistic intelligence far ahead of the pack. (One might successfully argue a case for the primacy of logical-mathematical intelligence, as well, in our culture. However, consider what would have happened if Gardner had originally introduced MI theory as a series of equations or algorithms. Would anybody have cared? Would anybody have been able to figure them out?)

It's certainly possible to argue, as I and many others have, that while our culture may value linguistic intelligence above the other seven, it certainly shouldn't continue to do so. The theory of multiple intelligences, in this view, serves as a critique of the values of our schools and our culture, suggesting that we need to pay much more attention to the neglected intelligences, especially those such as spatial, bodily-kinesthetic, musical, and naturalist, that may be particular strengths of individuals who have had special difficulties in successfully making their way through our heavily linguistic schools. Taken in this manner, MI theory serves as an important impetus toward fundamental reforms of our educational system, leading to a re-evaluation of those subjects typically taught in school, with increased emphasis placed on the arts, nature, physical culture, and other topics traditionally limited to the periphery of the curriculum.

I continue to argue for such substantial reforms. However, there is also a part of me that understands and accepts the situation, perhaps more fully than before, that linguistic intelligence happens to be what is most valued right now. And not just right now. I would argue that since the beginning of recorded time, linguistic intelligence has held sway in an imposing manner over the other seven intelligences. In fact, by definition, recorded time began when people first recorded information through the written word. We have cave drawings going back tens of thousands of years. We have simple tools going back much farther than that. However, archeologists are unable to reconstruct a clear sense of what individuals were thinking about in those ancient times just by looking at these artifacts, despite a valiant attempt to do so through the emerging field of cognitive archeology. And yet, we can get inside the thoughts of a Sumerian scribe living almost 5,000 years ago when he wrote these words in ancient cuneiform to his menial assistant: “You dolt, numbskull, school pest, you Sumerian ignoramus, your hand is terrible; it cannot even hold the stylus properly; it is unfit for writing and cannot even take dictation. Yet you say you are a scribe like me“ (quoted in McGuinness, 1985, p. 234). Some things never change!

From ancient civilizations to the present time, the balance of power has resided in people who were literate. The scribes of early history were closely allied to the rulers and were part of the power elite. Writing about ancient Mayan civilization, for example, Kevin J. Johnston of Ohio State University notes: “Texts were a medium through which kings asserted and displayed power“ (Johnston, 2001). For further ancient examples, one has only to think of the Code of Hammurabi, the Ten Commandments, and the inscriptions of the Persian king Darius cut high up into an inaccessible portion of a cliff in western Iran. The ancient writing surface, papyrus, gets its name from an Egyptian word pa-en-per-aa meaning “that which belonged to the king“ (Robinson, 1995, p. 107). The overwhelming portion of writing from both the ancient and modern worlds was written by those who had shares in the riches and powers of the elite. We will never know what sorts of thoughts, hopes, wishes, needs, or frustrations ran through the minds of millions of slaves, poor farmers, artisans, soldiers, wives, and other dispossessed peoples during the vast majority of recorded history, because these individuals were never given the opportunity to develop literacy.

In the present day, literacy continues to serve as a requirement for membership in the upper classes in most parts of the world. Educators such as Paulo Freire have argued persuasively that literacy represents a key tool for social change, and for the empowerment of oppressed peoples (Freire, 2000). In American culture, those individuals who are at the top of the social structure are those who are most fully literate, and conversely, those who lack literacy skills occupy the lowest rungs of the social ladder. You can go into a cocktail party and make people laugh empathetically with a comment like: “Gee, I've never been able to balance my checkbook“ or “I've never been able to dance (or draw) well.“ But try saying “Gee, I've never learned how to read or write“ and imagine what kind of response you're likely to get. Stunned silence, most likely. Not to be able to read in our culture is a source of shame and humiliation for many. One can say this is society's fault, and that we put too much emphasis on words in our culture, but those are the facts and we have to live and deal with the situation and what it means for the students who are in our charge. Whether we like it or not, one of the best things that we as educators can do to help our students achieve success in this culture is to assist them in becoming as fully literate as possible.

Now, however, we encounter another sort of difficulty. Many children and adults in America struggle with reading and writing, both in school and as a part of normal living outside of school. According to a study done by the Yale School of Medicine, some 20 percent of American school children“or 10 million kids“have some kind of “reading disorder“ (Shaywitz, Escobar, Shaywitz, Fletcher, & Makuch, 1992). The assessment of 4th grade reading conducted as part of the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) in 2000 shows declines from previous years among the poorest readers, while all other groups at higher levels of reading proficiency show stable patterns of achievement or even increases over time (Donahue, Finnegan, Lutkus, Allen, & Campell, 2001). A recent National Institute for Literacy report suggests that 40 to 44 million Americans are “functionally illiterate.“ Clearly, the problem of literacy is a national dilemma.

Educators, researchers, scientists, and others have written extensively on why so many people in the United States struggle with literacy, despite the fact that we have one of the most highly developed educational systems in the world. Some suggest that social inequities are the cause. Others point to neurological abnormalities of genetic origin. Some indicate that not enough phonics is the culprit. Others put forth still newer theories to prove their case. What we really need, however, are not reasons or excuses for why so many children and adults are not literate, but rather positive solutions for helping empower everyone with the skills of literacy. It is here where I believe the theory of multiple intelligences can, curiously, make one of its most valuable contributions to education. In this book, I advocate an approach to literacy based on the belief that there is no one best way to teach reading and writing skills, in part because each person is so differently organized neurologically, and that the best attitude to adopt in any literacy program is a multiple-solution focus. In this book I show that reading and writing are not simply linguistic acts; they involve all of the intelligences, and many more areas of the brain are involved in literacy acquisition than has previously been assumed by educators working in the field. We have limited ourselves too much in the past“even in the field of MI theory“by considering too narrow a range of interventions, and ignoring many other strategies that are available for helping children and adults acquire literacy skills.

Reading and writing are unique evolutionary features of the human species that represent the tail end of a long and carefully articulated process of development over time. I show in this book how literacy emerged out of our oral language capacities, our logical capabilities, our physical movements, our image-making abilities, our musical proclivities, our emotional life, our attempts to decipher and control nature, and our impulse to connect meaningfully with others. Moreover, I point out how reading and writing, while definitely distinctive activities in their own right, still retain close connections to these broader aspects of human potential. Literacy is far too recent a development in human life for it to be otherwise. I suggest that a revolution of sorts is required in the way that we think about reading and writing, so that more of the brain's power may be brought to bear upon the acquisition of these valued skills.

The first chapter summarizes the basics of multiple intelligences theory, and provides an overview of the connections that reading and writing have with different areas of the brain, including not simply those areas typically tied to language functions (e.g., Broca's area, Wernicke's area), but also with areas associated with emotion, music, imagery, and motor activity. Each subsequent chapter examines the relationship of reading and writing to a different intelligence within MI theory. Following Howard Gardner's approach in Frames of Mind, each of these chapters begins with a section that connects a particular intelligence to literacy through research in the brain sciences, developmental psychology, evolutionary studies, biographies of creative individuals, cognitive psychology, and other fields. The larger part of each chapter, however, is devoted to practical strategies that exploit the resources of that particular intelligence for teaching reading and writing skills to children or adults. There is no attempt to pit one approach over another“to claim, for example, that a phonics approach is better than a whole-word method or a whole-language approach. In fact, phonetic strategies will be covered in each chapter, because each of the eight intelligences provides different ways of helping learners acquire the all-important knowledge of sound-symbol relationships. The structure of the applied section of each chapter moves from micro to macro in its coverage of practical strategies. Beginning with letters and sounds, we then move on to whole words, then whole sentences, then to bodies of text, then to selecting appropriate books and other literacy materials that integrate linguistic text with the intelligence of that chapter, and finally conclude with the broader treatment of general literacy styles that might be associated with each of the eight intelligences. Many of the activities and ideas associated with a wide range of approaches to teaching reading and writing, and to specific literacy programs are also cited in each chapter.

The emphasis here is to be inclusive and to not waste time on which system or method or program is best, but rather to see the best aspects of each way of teaching reading and writing“and to understand why certain methods work best with certain students and not with others. The theory of multiple intelligences and its neurological underpinnings, I believe, reveal the power of certain literacy strategies to work miracles with those individuals who have previously been thought to have intractable difficulties when it came to learning to read or write (and where various labels such as “dyslexic,“ “learning disabled,“ and “reading disordered“ have been used to explain away their supposed incapacity to learn).

It is my hope that this book will be a helpful supplementary resource for educators seeking to expand their repertoire of strategies for engaging students in reading and writing, whether they be regular classroom teachers, learning disability specialists, speech and language pathologists, reading teachers, Title I personnel, bilingual or ESOL educators, private tutors, literacy volunteers, parents, or anyone else interested in helping others experience the satisfactions of literacy. My special wish is that this book will serve as a doorway for educators who are seeking to reach students who have had difficulty with traditional methods of learning to read and write. If this book helps just a few students learn to read and write who otherwise might have been frustrated in their attempts, or makes the journey toward literacy come alive for students who might otherwise have considered it drudgery, I will have accomplished my goal, which is to share my own deep love of literacy with others.

Chapter 1. Literacy, Multiple Intelligences, and the Brain

Most of us are familiar with the story of the Blind Men and the Elephant, a tale that comes to us from ancient India. In this story, a king presented an elephant to a number of blind men in his community and asked each to say what he thought it was. The first man touched the side of the beast and answered, “A wall.“ The second walked up and felt a leg, and replied, “No, this is a pillar.“ A third man encountered the tail and cried out, “This is certainly not a wall nor a pillar! It's a rope!“ A fourth man latched on to an ear and exclaimed: “You're all wrong! It's a piece of cloth!“ And the men began arguing and fighting among themselves about who was really right.

Recently, I discovered another related story that isn't nearly as well known. It's entitled “The Blind Educators and the Literacy Lion.“ In this story (which has rather fuzzier origins), a king asks several blind educators in his village to examine a new beast that has come into his possession and to tell him all about it. The first educator goes up to touch the Literacy Lion, and then runs back to the king shouting: “This beast is made up of whole words! Yes, all sorts of words, like the and captain and sure and poultry and wizard and tens of thousands more!“ Then the king signaled for the second educator to go up to the Literacy Lion, which she did, and after some time she returned to the king saying: “This animal isn't made of whole words! It's made up of sounds! All kinds of sounds! Sounds like ‘thhhh’ and ‘buh’ and ‘ahhhhh’ and ‘ayyyyy’ and ‘juh’ and many more. In fact, I counted all the sounds, and there are exactly 44!“ A third educator was sent to examine the beast, and he returned and exclaimed: “This creature isn't made up of sounds or whole words. It's constructed out of stories, and fables, and songs, and chants, and poems, and storybooks, and Big Books, and board books, and novels, and plays, and whole libraries full of living, exciting tales, and lots more besides!“ Finally, a fourth educator was sent, and she came back saying: “They're all wrong! This beast is made up of whole cultures, and people crying out for freedom and power, and it's about understanding who we are and what we're capable of, and how each of us can speak, and read, and write with our own voices, and in this way contribute to the good of all.“ And with this final assessment, the educators proceeded to dispute heatedly among themselves.

By now, you will have probably recognized that this story is a thinly disguised attempt to describe the history of literacy acquisition and the teaching of reading and writing over the past several decades in the United States and elsewhere. Beginning in 1955, with the publication of Rudolf Flesch's best-selling book Why Johnny Can't Read(Flesch, 1986), a series of disputes erupted in educational circles regarding the best way to teach literacy. This controversy is sometimes referred to as “The Reading Wars.“ In this dispute, each combatant claims that his or her particular approach, whether it be phonics, basal readers, whole language, critical literacy, or any of a number of other methods, represents the single best way to teach reading, writing, or both to our students. A lot of ink has been spilled in the course of this battle, and despite rounds and rounds of negotiations, the war continues to this day.

I think it's time to put an end to these reading wars. The Literacy Lion is a powerful, complex, and mysterious beast. Each description that we receive of it“from educators, psychologists, brain researchers, and other professionals“can only enrich our knowledge of what this powerful being is really made of, and why we want so much for our students to have contact with it. In this book, I would like to attempt an integration of the diverse range of perspectives on reading and writing“a sort of peace conference on literacy“so that we might forge ahead as educators united, rather than divided, on this important educational issue. In synthesizing many of the ideas, programs, methods, brain research studies, and other contributions to literacy acquisition, I use Howard Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences (MI theory) as an organizing framework. I want to make it clear from the outset that I do not propose that multiple intelligences now be considered thebest approach to literacy acquisition. I do not wish to become a new combatant in the reading wars. Rather, I want to use MI theory as a tool to help make sense of the many different approaches to reading and writing that are out there, showing how these different methods complement rather than contradict each other. I wish to employ MI theory, then, as a metacognitive strategy for organizing and making sense of the research findings, programs, and strategies that are already out there and being used in the teaching of reading and writing. As we will see, there is a place for each of the many perspectives that have been offered over the past half-century regarding the best way to help students“from early childhood to late adulthood“acquire the skills of literacy.

The Theory of Multiple Intelligences: A Brief Primer

Because I am using multiple intelligences as the unifying element in this peace conference on literacy, I would like to provide a short introduction for the reader who may be unacquainted with the theory. Those who wish to explore the theory in more depth may refer to a number of other resources: Armstrong, 1999a, 2000a, 2000b; Campbell, Campbell, & Dickinson, 1995; Gardner, 1983, 1993, 1999; Hoerr, 2000; Lazear, 1999; Nelson, 1998. The theory of multiple intelligences was developed by Harvard professor Howard Gardner in the early 1980s (Gardner, 1983). Gardner argues that traditional ideas about intelligence employed in educational and psychological circles for almost a hundred years require significant reform. In particular, he suggests that the concept of a “pure“ intelligence that can be measured by a single IQ score is seriously flawed. Instead, Gardner points out that intelligence isn't a singular phenomenon, but rather a plurality of capacities. Drawing on his own observations and those of other scholars from several different disciplines, including anthropology, developmental psychology, animal physiology, brain research, cognitive science, and biographies of exceptional individuals, Gardner concluded that there were at least seven different types of intelligences that everyone seems to possess to a greater or lesser degree. As the theory evolved, he added an eighth intelligence to this list (Gardner, 1993). Each intelligence represents a set of capacities that are brought to bear upon two major focuses: the solving of problems, and the fashioning of significant cultural products. These eight intelligences are

  1. Linguistic Intelligence. The understanding of the phonology, syntax, and semantics of language, and its pragmatic uses to convince others of a course of action, help one to remember information, explain or communicate knowledge, or reflect upon language itself. Examples include the storyteller, orator, poet, editor, and novelist.
  2. Bodily-Kinesthetic Intelligence. The ability to control one's bodily motions and the capacity to handle objects skillfully. Examples of those proficient in this intelligence include the actor, mime, craftsperson, athlete, dancer, and sculptor.
  3. Spatial Intelligence. The ability to perceive the visual world accurately, to perform transformations and modifications upon one's initial perceptions, and to be able to re-create aspects of one's visual experience (even in the absence of the relevant physical stimuli). Examples include the architect, mapmaker, surveyor, inventor, and graphic artist.
  4. Musical Intelligence. The ability to understand and express components of music, including melodic and rhythmic patterns, through figural or intuitive means (the natural musician) or through formal analytic means (the professional musician). Examples include the composer, pianist, percussionist, music critic, and singer.
  5. Logical-Mathematical Intelligence. The understanding and use of logical structures, including patterns and relationships, and statements and propositions, through experimentation, quantification, conceptualization, and classification. Examples include the scientist, mathematician, logician, computer programmer, and statistician.
  6. Intrapersonal Intelligence. The ability to access one's own emotional life through awareness of inner moods, intentions, motivations, potentials, temperaments, and desires, and the capacity to symbolize these inner experiences, and to apply these understandings to help one live one's life. Examples include the psychotherapist, entrepreneur, creative artist, and shaman.
  7. Interpersonal Intelligence. The ability to notice and make distinctions among other individuals with respect to moods, temperaments, motivations, intentions, and to use this information in pragmatic ways, such as to persuade, influence, manipulate, mediate, or counsel individuals or groups of individuals toward some purpose. Examples include the union organizer, teacher, therapist, administrator, and political leader.
  8. Naturalist Intelligence. The capacity to recognize and classify the numerous species of flora and fauna in one's environment (as well as natural phenomena such as mountains and clouds), and the ability to care for, tame, or interact subtly with living creatures, or with whole ecosystems. Examples include the zoologist, biologist, veterinarian, forest ranger, and hunter.

Of primary importance in the construction of MI theory is Gardner's use of a set of eight criteria that need to be met in order for each intelligence to qualify for inclusion on his list (Gardner, 1983). What makes MI theory stand out from a number of other theories of learning and intelligence is the existence of this set of criteria, and the fact that it encompasses a widely diverse range of disciplines“all pointing to the relative autonomy of these eight intelligences. The criteria are

  • Susceptibility to Encoding in a Symbol System. Gardner suggests that each intelligence has its own unique set of symbol systems. For example, linguistic intelligence includes a wide range of languages such as English, French, Spanish, and Russian, while logical-mathematical intelligence employs number systems and computer languages, and interpersonal intelligence draws upon a diverse group of gestures, facial expressions, and postures to represent moods, intentions, and ideas.
  • Support from Psychometric Findings. Gardner indicates that if one looks at the subtest scores from standard intelligence tests, or at the quantitative measures for logical, linguistic, artistic, social, emotional, or kinesthetic aptitude tests, evidence suggests a general lack of correlation between scores in different intelligence areas, thus pointing to the relative independence of each intelligence.
  • An Evolutionary History and Evolutionary Plausibility. A look at the archeological evidence suggests that each of the eight intelligences appears to have been used during prehistoric times by early homo sapiens, and most likely were used at even earlier stages of evolution, as evidenced by the presence of these intelligences in other members of the animal kingdom (e.g., musical intelligence in birds, spatial intelligence in bees, interpersonal intelligence in ants).
  • A Distinctive Developmental History and a Definable Set of Expert “End-State“ Performances. Each of the eight intelligences provides numerous examples of high-level achievement in individuals who are at the peak of their discipline (for example, Marie Curie, Georgia O'Keeffe, Virginia Woolf, Martin Luther King, Jr., Auguste Rodin, Jane Goodall, Sigmund Freud, Kiri Te Kanawa), and there appear to be specific stages that individuals go through in traveling along the path from a novice to a master in each domain.
  • The Existence of Savants, Prodigies, and Other Exceptional Individuals. For each intelligence, there are individuals who have incredible abilities in that particular intelligence and yet appear to be highly underdeveloped in some or most of the other intelligences. For example, the literature includes examples of “savants“ who can calculate rapidly in their minds and yet have subnormal IQ scores, those who read difficult text without understanding it (hyperlexia), and five-year-old children who can draw at a gifted adult level, but have significant social impairments such as autism.
  • An Identifiable Core Operation or Set of Operations. Each intelligence has a definable set of operations that can be enumerated with specificity and taught to another person. For example, bodily-kinesthetic operations may include the ability to imitate the physical movements of others or the capacity to master established fine-motor routines for building a structure. For musical intelligence, operations might involve sensitivity to pitch or the ability to discriminate among different rhythmic patterns.
  • Support from Experimental Psychological Tasks.Psychological studies of transfer, where subjects are taught a skill and then are expected to automatically transfer that learning to a different domain, show that abilities generally don't transfer from one intelligence to another. For example, becoming a better reader will not necessarily make one a better math student, or learning to kick a soccer ball will not necessarily make it easier to paint a picture or relate well to another person. This general lack of transfer suggests the relative autonomy of each of the eight intelligences.
  • Potential Isolation by Brain Damage. Disease or injury to certain areas of the brain appears to selectively impair specific intelligences while leaving the others intact. For example, an injury to Broca's area in the left frontal lobe of the brain can devastate a person's ability to speak or read, but that individual will often be able to paint, hum a tune, skate, or smile at another person because these functions are associated with unimpaired areas of the brain. However, an individual with damage to the right temporal lobe may lose the ability to carry a tune while retaining the ability to speak, read, and write. Roughly speaking, here are major areas of the brain that are associated with each of the eight intelligences:
    • Linguistic: left temporal and frontal lobes
    • Logical-mathematical: left frontal and right parietal lobes
    • Spatial: occipital and parietal regions (especially of right hemisphere)
    • Bodily-kinesthetic: cerebellum, basal ganglia, motor cortex
    • Musical: right temporal lobe
    • Interpersonal: frontal lobes, temporal lobe (especially right hemisphere), limbic system
    • Intrapersonal: frontal lobes, parietal lobes, limbic system
    • Naturalist: left parietal lobe (important for discriminating “living“ from “nonliving things“)

This last criterion showing how the eight intelligences correspond to different areas of the brain is of particular importance for us as we next look at the experience of reading and writing, and how these activities are mediated by neurological events in the brain.

Literacy Is a Whole-Brain Activity

It seems clear from the above survey of the eight intelligences that reading and writing are linguistic activities. The particular symbols used in reading and writing“in this case, the 26 letters of the English alphabet“are limited to this one intelligence. In addition, we tend to associate the activities of poets, playwrights, novelists, hyperlexic savants, and bookworms almost exclusively with linguistic intelligence. Certain distinctive brain structures, particularly in the left hemisphere for most people, are particularly important when it comes to the processing of the phonological, semantic, and syntactic aspects of words. In sum, there are strong reasons for literacy to be regarded as part and parcel of linguistic intelligence. Having said this, however, I'd like to argue that when we look at how the brain processes the actual experience of reading and writing, we can begin to see how all of the eight intelligences have important parts to play.

To illustrate, let's examine what happens in the brain during the simple act of speaking a printed word (see Figure 1.1). First the human eye must see the word on the page. This sensation is first registered by the primary visual area in the occipital lobe (the seat of spatial intelligence). After the word is seen in the primary visual area, it is then relayed to the angular gyrus (a “gyrus“ is the crest of a single convolution in the neocortex), at the junction of the temporal, parietal, and occipital lobes of the brain. I like to think of the angular gyrus as the region of the brain that most reflects the idea of multiple intelligences' relationship to literacy because it is here, at the crossroads of three different lobes, that many different types of information are brought together or associated with each other in creating linguistic information, including visual-spatial configurations, musical and oral sounds, and even physical sensations. Recent research has suggested that individuals who have difficulty reading and writing often have significant disruption in this particular area of the brain (Horwitz, Rumsey, & Donohue, 1998). In the nearby region of Wernicke's area all of this information is synthesized in such a way that it can be understood in a meaningful way (i.e., semantically encoded). From there, it is transmitted via a bundle of nerve fibers called the arcuate fasciculus to Broca's area in the lower left frontal lobe, where it is logically encoded in a grammatical system, and a program is prepared to evoke articulation, and then supplied to the motor cortex, which in turn drives the muscles of the lips, tongue, and larynx to speak the actual word (Geschwind, 1979). Here then we see the involvement of several intelligences, including linguistic, logical-mathematical, spatial, and bodily-kinesthetic, in this simple act of speaking a printed word.

Figure 1.1. Speaking a Written Word

 

While the above scenario took place in the left hemisphere of the brain, there is increasing evidence that reading and writing involve significant use of the right hemisphere as well. Studies suggest, for example, that the right hemisphere is activated when subjects read words that are anxiety-provoking or emotionally charged (Van Strien, Stolk, & Zuiker, 1995). The right hemisphere also appears to be involved in semantic decisions during the reading and writing process, especially when the reader is in the initial stages of deciding among a range of possible words (Coney & Evans, 2000). In addition, the right hemisphere appears to take information that has been initially processed by the left hemisphere and uses it in the course of comprehending text (Coney, 1998). There are also subcortical structures involved in the process of reading, including the cerebellum, which has been previously linked to bodily-kinesthetic functions, and also areas of the limbic system that become activated while experiencing emotions during the process of reading (Fulbright et al., 1999; Simpson, Snyder, Gusnard, & Raichle, 2001). Unfortunately, we are still in the infancy of brain scan research regarding reading and writing activities, and too many studies are still based on a very limited context of literacy“for example, reading single words in an artificial laboratory setting rather than reading whole texts in a natural home or school setting (for recent criticisms of brain scan research and literacy, see Coles, 1998, 2000; Ferguson, 2002).

However, some of these newer brain studies (which will be reviewed in greater detail throughout the book) accord well with our understanding of the actual experiences involved in reading and writing. The person who reads and writes is doing far more than simply linguistically encoding data. She is also looking at the visual configuration of the letters. Thus, spatial intelligence“the intelligence of pictures and images“must first be brought to bear on the printed letters. Then she must match these visual images with sounds. In doing this, she must draw upon her wealth of knowledge concerning musical sounds (musical intelligence), nature sounds (naturalist intelligence), and the sounds of words (linguistic intelligence) in order to make the proper letter-sound correspondences. In addition, she brings in information from her body (bodily-kinesthetic intelligence) to ground these visual and auditory sensations into a structure of meaning. As we will see in Chapter 2, the physical body is integral to processing the shapes of letters and the meaning of words and text. Once she begins to organize the information into grammatical units, she draws upon deep intuitive syntactic structures that employ logical-mathematical transformations (see Chapter 5 for more information about this process). As she reads meaningful information, she may visualize what she reads (spatial intelligence), experience herself actively engaged in a physical way in the text (bodily-kinesthetic intelligence), have emotional reactions to the material (intrapersonal intelligence), attempt to guess what the author or characters intend or believe (interpersonal intelligence), and think critically and logically about what she is reading (logical-mathematical intelligence). She may decide to take action as a result of her reading and writing, either in a physical way (bodily-kinesthetic intelligence) or perhaps within some larger social context (interpersonal intelligence). In each of these cases, our reader is bringing to bear different intelligences upon the multilayered processes of reading and writing.

When we begin to think of literacy as involving all of the intelligences it becomes easier to understand the variety of ways in which literacy itself is learned and practiced. We know from the literature on individuals who have difficulty reading and writing that their difficulties are not all the same. Some students have particular problems with the visual configurations of letters (sometimes this is referred to as dyseidetic dyslexia), while others encounter difficulties primarily with the sounds of language (dysphonetic dyslexia). Other students can decode individual words but encounter obstacles in comprehending whole text. Some individuals have problems primarily with the underlying grammatical-logical structures of sentences. Others have difficulties visualizing what they have read, or understanding what the author's intent may be.

By the same token, people actually learn to read in many different ways. For decades, many people learned to read with the old “look-say“ Dick and Jane method. But it took a writer like Rudolf Flesch to point out that many students were being left out of this approach. As he indicated, some students need to learn to read by mastering the sounds or phonemes of language and their correspondences to the visual letters. Other students, however, have had difficulty with a decontextualized phonetic approach to reading and seem to do better with a method that emphasized real literature and natural contexts for reading and writing. Still other students thrive when other features are included in a reading and writing program, for example, involvement of the body, the use of the hands, a focus on color, an emphasis on the unique social milieu of the learner, the insertion of a particular component of great interest to the student such as animals, sports, or superheroes, or factors related to a student's individual learning style (see for example, Carbo, Dunn, & Dunn, 1986). As MIT linguist Steven Pinker points out, “it would not be surprising if language subcenters are idiosyncratically tangled or scattered over the cortex“ (Pinker, 1994, p. 315). Such wide variations among learners suggest that instead of pitting one literacy method against another we need to discover how a student's unique brain is wired for reading and writing and then use a range of approaches that matches his or her “literacy style.“ It is for such a purpose that this book has been written.

While I will cite many studies that have focused on the breakdown of the capacity to read or write in individuals who have been described as “dyslexic,“ “learning disabled,“ or “reading disabled,“ the overall emphasis of the book is not on what's “wrong,“ but rather what's rightwith a student's reading and writing capacities. In fact, when I use labels such as “LD,“ “ADHD,“ and the like, I generally put them in quotation marks or otherwise qualify them, because of my belief that they are labels externally imposed within a specific social milieu (for more information, see Armstrong, 1997, 2000a).

Several years ago, a study on reading published in the New England Journal of Medicine received significant national attention by suggesting that individuals described as dyslexic were not part of a special species of learner separate from normal readers, but rather, that they represented the low end of a continuum of reading ability found in the rest of the population (Shaywitz, et al., 1992). I'd like to suggest that this continuum stretches from the nonreader all the way up to Shakespeare, and that every one of us falls somewhere along this spectrum. Instead of taking a “half-empty glass“ perspective in thinking that everybody has a certain amount of reading disability in them, I prefer to take the “half-full glass“ point of view in suggesting that even the student who has just written her first words is already on the road to writing like Shakespeare. And the fact is, there are multiple pathways to the highest peaks of literacy as we will see in the next eight chapters of this book. The biggest issue for educators to resolve regarding the Literacy Lion shouldn't be whether whole language or phonics is the best way to teach reading, or whether to focus on punctuation or creativity in writing, or whether we should teach students spelling skills or let them invent their own words. The biggest question is whether we as educators are going to teach literacy skills in such a way that the words lie dead there on the page for so many students, or, conversely, whether we're going to take positive steps toward the ultimate goal of making the words come alive for all students. I invite you to choose the second option, and, for the rest of this book join me in an adventure through the multiple intelligences of reading and writing.

For Further Study

  • Research the history of “The Reading Wars“ (and related “Writing Wars“ and “Spelling Wars“) since the 1950s, examining points of difference and areas of agreement.
  • Stay current with the latest brain research in the fields of reading and writing, paying special attention to studies that link the right hemisphere and the limbic system and other subcortical areas of the brain to literacy (hint: use MEDLINE on the Internet as a key data source).
  • Survey the literature on the applications of multiple intelligences theory to literacy. Read Howard Gardner's book Frames of Mindand other books on multiple intelligences, and make your own connections between MI theory and literacy acquisition.
  • Examine the reading, writing, and spelling programs being used in your own educational setting and note which intelligences (besides linguistic) are being addressed in them.

Chapter 2. Coming to Grips with the Musculature of Words

Words have power, they have muscle. Think of the toddler who has discovered a new word: “up!“ That word has an almost magical quality for the child, because by merely saying it she can accomplish all sorts of physical actions. She can get mommy to come and pick her up and set her in a chair for a delicious dinner, she can be swooped up and given a big hug from daddy, or she can be put on big brother's shoulders and taken on a grand tour of the neighborhood. Never in a million years could she accomplish these things through her own meager physical efforts. But a single word does the trick. “Up!“ has muscle.

Words have deep connections to the human musculature. Scientists believe that language emerged, at least in part, from the physical movements of primates and early humans: their gestures, facial expressions, postures, and other gross and subtle motor actions (see, for example, Varney, 2002). Interestingly, area F5 of the brain of monkeys, which is associated with the making of intentional physical movements, is considered analogous to Broca's area, one of the most important linguistic brain structures in human beings (Motluk, 2001). In ways that are still too little understood, certain motor movements that functioned as communicative signs between humans over time became increasingly specialized in the vocal cords and other speech-producing areas of the body and brain. As one researcher noted: “The origin and evolution of language was the result of a transfer of motor patterning from that controlling bodily movement generally to the articulatory organs“ (Allott, 2000). Another expert was even more blunt: “Linguistic structure may emerge from, and may even be viewed as, a special case of motoric structure, the structure of action“ (Studdert-Kennedy, 1983). Similarly, our ability to internally operate on words and syntax as mental thought may have emerged from our capacity to manipulate physical objects. As San Francisco neurologist Frank Wilson writes: “Words that were originally object attributes come increasingly to be manipulated and combined, just as real objects are manipulated and combined by the child“ (Wilson, 1998, p. 193).

There is growing evidence from brain research pointing to a strong neurological basis for this link between physical movement and language and literacy. Neuroscientists, of course, have known for quite a while that the motor cortex is an important part of the language process, being responsible for the movement of the muscles of the tongue, mouth, and throat in order to produce audible speech sounds (Geschwind, 1979). However, more recently, with the emergence of neuroimaging technologies and new genetic techniques, there has been increasing evidence that language and literacy are also linked to other areas of the brain that have traditionally been seen as the locus of bodily-kinesthetic capacities. A study published in the medical journal Nature described the discovery of a specific gene tied to a particular set of language disorders; this gene is involved in the development of the basal ganglia, a set of brain structures that are crucial for regulating motor movements (Wade, 2001). In addition, over the past few years, researchers have been focusing on the cerebellum, that “ancient brain“ at the base of the skull responsible for coordinating complex physical movements in three-dimensional space, as an important contributor to language capacity. This influence may extend beyond oral language to reading skills. Recently, NASA scientists have noted that astronauts who had experienced prolonged periods of weightlessness in space“creating disturbances of the cerebellum“sometimes suffered from mild dyslexia on returning to earth conditions (Meikle, 2001). A recent neuroimaging study using functional MRI supported this cerebellum-reading link in its findings of cerebellar activation while subjects engaged in several reading tasks that required orthographic, phonologic, and semantic skills (Fulbright, et al., 1999; see also, Nicolson & Fawcett, 1999).

Further evidence for the connection of literacy to the physical body can be seen by examining the development of language historically, and in particular, the history of the English language. The Middle English word for “remorse“ was originally “agonbite,“ an acutely kinesthetic way of rendering the sense of guilt (literally, “agony biting one's insides“). Shakespeare's works are filled with kinesthetic images and expressions. For example, when Macbeth is trying to decide whether or not to kill Duncan, the king of Scotland, he says: “I have no spur to prick the sides of my intent, but only vaulting ambition, which o'er-leaps itself and falls on th'other side“ (Macbeth, Act 1, Scene 7). Today's language is not nearly so rich with bodily sensations and movements, but if we engage in a bit of lexical archeology, we can see in many highly abstract words the origins of physical activity. The word “error“ for example, goes back to the Latin for “to wander“ (it's related to the French word “errant“). The word “person“ goes back to the Latin word “persona,“ meaning mask, performer, or actor. Even the word “process“ is based upon a Latin word meaning “to proceed.“

We can also see how literacy emerged from the body by examining the development of print historically. Before the invention of the printing press in the 15th century, all manuscripts were written down by hand. That meant that the process of reading was intimately intertwined with the intensive manual labor of calligraphy. Medieval students sat at their places in medieval universities and laboriously transcribed their teachers' lectures (the word lecture comes from the Latin word legere, “to read“). The act of reading itself often involved touching the words as one read, speaking the words out loud, and putting one's whole physical and mental energy into the work of understanding and comprehending. Clerical scholar Dom Jean LeClercq observed: “When legere and lectio [to read] are used without further explanation, they mean an activity which, like chant and writing, requires the participation of the whole body and the whole mind. Doctors of ancient times used to recommend reading to their patients as a physical exercise on an equal level with walking, running or ball-playing“ (McLuan, 1965, p. 89). Marshall McLuan refers to the pre-Gutenberg manuscripts of medieval and classic times as “highly textural and tactile.“ Note the relationship between the linguistic word “text“ and the kinesthetic word “texture“; the word “Textura“ was actually a name used for Gothic lettering (McLuan, 1965, p. 83).

Another way to understand the bodily-kinesthetic foundations of literacy is by inquiring into the inner worlds of those individuals who excel in the realm of the printed word“in other words, writers. More than a few of them reveal idiosyncratic ways in which hands-on and physical sensations play a major part in their creative process. The philosopher and psychologist William James explained his own method of letter recall as a tactile experience: “I myself am a very poor visualizer, and find that I can seldom call to mind even a single letter of the alphabet in purely retinal terms. I must trace the letter by running my mental eye over its contour in order that the image of it shall leave any distinctness at all“ (James, 1910, p. 61). The British writer A. E. Housman explained his own process in writing poetry quite literally as getting the goosebumps: “Experience has taught me, when I am shaving of a morning, to keep watch over my thoughts, because, if a line of poetry strays into my memory, my skin bristles so that the razor ceases to act. This particular symptom is accompanied by a shiver down the spine; there is another which consists in a constriction of the throat, and a precipitation of water to the eyes; and there is a third which I can only describe by borrowing a phrase from one of Keats's last letters, where he says, speaking of Fanny Brawne, ‘everything that reminds me of her goes through me like a spear.’ The seat of this sensation is the pit of the stomach“ (Ghiselin, 1960, p. 90).

I should add here, parenthetically, that my own work as a writer bears out the kinesthetic experience: I know that I am writing at or near my best when I get a particular sensation deep in my belly. I also have a peculiar sense of the text that appears on the computer screen as I write, as a thicket of words with a definite textural feeling: the better the text, the thicker the feeling; the more superficial the text, the thinner the physical sensation that I have in my body. Finally, let me include the childhood reminiscence of the great American writer Eudora Welty: “At around age six, perhaps, I was standing by myself in our front yard waiting for supper, just at that hour in a late summer day when the sun is already below the horizon and the risen full moon in the visible sky stops being chalky and begins to take on light. There comes a moment, and I saw it then, when the moon goes from flat to round. For the first time it met my eyes as a globe. The word ‘moon’ came into my mouth as though fed to me out of a silver spoon“ (Angell, 2001). For young children, words have a physical reality. In their eyes, the word “hit“ can actually hurt someone (Piaget, 1975).

This last experience brings us back to the importance that the body has in the first literacy experiences of young children. When we observe pre-literacy or emerging literacy in early childhood, we see it expressed in large motor movements: the child who is busy “reading“ a book will often make a big show of turning the pages, opening the mouth wide to speak, moving the head back and forth, and rocking back and forth. For the emergent reader, reading is not the quiet passive experience of sitting stone cold still in a chair with eyes fixed rigidly on a page. Reading is a physical performance! Emergent writing is often even more physical, with the young child sometimes using the writing implement quite literally as a “tool“ to dig meaning into the surface of the page. In the emerging literate scrawlings of the young child, the boundaries between etching, sculpting, drawing, and writing seem to disappear, as they also did in a highly refined and articulated way in the creative work of William Blake (Bentley, 2001).

The above material from brain research, the history of the English language, early childhood development, and the creative process of writers suggests that literacy programs need to address in some significant way the role that the physical body has in reading and writing. What follows are suggestions for how the fuller integration of the body into a comprehensive literacy program might proceed.

Making Letters and Sounds That Crawl, Dance, and Jump

Recent research in the gestural equivalence of language has attempted to create direct correspondences between specific phonemes and discrete gestures (Allott, 2000). Along these lines, existing educational programs have made efforts to link letters or sounds with particular body movements, including educational eurythmy (Steiner, 1983) and Zoo-phonics (Atterman, 1997), or have linked the physical act of producing specific lip, mouth, and tongue patterns with individual phonemes. See, for example, the Lindamood-Bell program (Howard, 1982). Although there are obvious and significant differences in the way these programs work, at a deeper level they share the belief that providing a motoric equivalent to a letter shape or a speech sound will give the beginning reader a much better chance of remembering sound-symbol relationships. As such, any educator can create a “physical phonics“ program, simply by taking the roughly 44 phonemes in the English language and developing a unique gesture, posture, or physical movement for each one. For example, the long e sound might be represented as the hands moving away from each other as if pulling taffy, while the long o sound might involve bringing the extended arms upwards above the head in a rounded fashion as if creating a large circle. If every beginning reader were taught 44 separate physical actions that corresponded to the 44 phonemes, they could then draw upon this motor memory bank in helping to recall the specific sound-symbol pattern that each movement represents. In fact, it might be preferred that the teacher use her own creativity to come up with these movements, or draw upon the innovation of the learners themselves to generate this kinesthetic vocabulary.

Similarly, for help in learning the visual patterns of letters, educators since Montessori have used physical and tactile methods, especially in the field of special education (e.g., Fernald, 1988). Examples of this type of approach include

  • Tracing letter shapes in the air, or on the desk or table.
  • Tracing letter shapes cut out from textural material (e.g., sandpaper, silk).
  • Making letter shapes from pipe cleaners, clay, or other malleable material.
  • Making letter shapes with finger paint, chocolate pudding, whipped cream, or some other messy and fun medium.
  • Manipulating block letter shapes.
  • Drawing letter shapes in dirt, sand, or other impressionable material.
  • Writing letter shapes with large body movements using chalk on a large pavement surface (such as the school playground).
  • Creating letter shapes with atypical writing implements such as a paintbrush, a squirt gun, or a flashlight in the dark.

There really is no end to developing innovative ways for the visual shapes of letters to be tied to their physical “feel.“ One teacher, for example, put letter shapes in waterproof tape on the bottom of a swimming pool and asked a student who had significant difficulty learning the alphabet to swim the letter shapes. I have often thought that if every schoolyard had a playground that included 26 giant alphabet sculptures for kids to climb on and crawl under and around and through, there would be no need to teach the alphabet at all inside the classroom.

Getting Physical with Words

Educators can also use many of the above techniques as the beginning reader starts to put letters together into meaningful combinations, or words. And I employ the active voice here intentionally, because the student should be actively involved in constructing these meaningful units of letters. Here are some other ways they can do this:

  • Using an alphabet stamp set to create words.
  • Building words as sculpture using clay, wood, or other plastic materials. Here the word exists as an art form, in the fashion of a sculptor such as Robert Indiana (see Janson, 1969, p. 542).
  • Carving words into wood or other malleable materials.
  • Making words from string, wire, twine, thread, chains, or other solid material that mimics the line of a pen or pencil (students can paste these on a surface permanently, or manually reshape them for each new word).

Similarly, in learning the spelling patterns of words, there are a number of activities that actively use manipulatives or creative body movements in remembering specific word orders or consonant-vowel patterns (Barsch, 1974). For example:

  • Spell the word out loud while bouncing a ball (or skipping rope) one time for each successive letter.
  • Spell the word out loud while standing up whenever a consonant appears, and sitting down whenever a vowel appears (any other two physical movements could be substituted for standing and sitting).
  • Spell the word using a series of pantomimed gestures representing the letters of the word (have students develop their own unique pantomimes for each letter of the alphabet“essentially designing an “alpha-betics“ exercise program).
  • Spell the word using alphabet blocks or plastic materials.
  • Spell the word using blue chips (for vowels) and red chips (for consonants) (or substitute any other two materials).

While actively engaged in physically creating words, students should also be expressing their meanings as well. The simplest and most direct way of doing this is by acting out the word in some way. The old parlor game “charades“ is probably the best example of an activity that promotes kinesthetic expression of word meanings. Students who have a special dramatic flair, yet who do poorly with traditional reading approaches, are most likely to benefit from this type of approach, yet all kids will have fun learning sight words, or vocabulary words, by pantomiming or dramatizing them. I've talked with high school educators who have had students photograph some of the best examples of these dramatized word meanings. For example, one student illustrated the meaning of the word “abashed“ with a picture of a student with his trousers pulled down to his knees, revealing only his multi-colored boxer shorts! These word meanings can also be acted out and then videotaped. How refreshing to have this week's list of sight words or vocabulary words presented as a film of dramatic scenes, rather than a boring list of definitions in a workbook.

Creating Sentences That Are (Literally) Moving

I believe that it was Maria Montessori's teachings that first suggested to me the importance of linking reading directly to action. Too often, beginning reading students read simple sentences out loud, and then just leave them there dead on the page in an unfulfilled state. Montessori's great innovation was to have students read a sentence on a slip of paper and then carry out the activity or action that it represented. Montessori was, of course, an exceedingly practical educator, and so it made sense for her to include sentences that involved specific useful tasks such as “Water the plants at the back of the room,“ or “Pick up the book that has fallen on the floor.“ Students might actually enjoy the process of composing their own practical sentences. This kind of activity tells them, from the very beginning of their experience with literacy, that words have the power of action.

I want to highlight the point that students should be actively writingthe sentences that they read. If you want to think of it in this way, writing is actually just a highly kinesthetic way of reading, and so you might want to consider it as an excellent strategy for helping the beginning reader master the code. Remember what I said at the beginning of this chapter about the historical origins of literacy: before the printing press, all reading material had to be written down by hand. So when the first meaningful sentences that a student learns to read are those he has inscribed himself with his own hand, there is a direct physical connection to the words and their meaning from the very beginning. Here are some other ways to get physically involved in the composition of simple sentences:

  • Have the student create a hanging mobile with each word of a sentence on a card or other piece of material.
  • Put the words of a sentence on index cards, or better yet, on less academic material (such as blocks, or color swatches) and have the student create the sentence by manipulating the materials. If you really want to get creative, teach the student how to juggle with three balls. Then have the student put a word on each ball to make a three-word sentence that she can say as she juggles the balls in order!
  • Use magnetic words (these are often sold at bookstores near the cash registers) on a metallic surface so that the student can create sentences.
  • Inscribe the words of a sentence on pieces of construction paper, and then tape them to the floor. Have the student speak the sentence while stepping on each successive word, in a linguistic version of the games hopscotch or Twister.

Putting the Texture Back into Text

A few years back I was addressing the National Family Literacy Association at a convention in Louisville, Kentucky, and they had just had a celebration the night before where tens of thousands of pieces of confetti, each one inscribed with a word, had been released and still lay on the floor waiting to be picked up the morning after. I whimsically suggested to the group that they might consider trying to reconstruct the novel Gone with the Wind from the scattered pieces. Once we begin working with blocks of text, even texts much shorter than Margaret Mitchell's novel, it becomes harder and more time consuming to use many of the technique listed in the previous section. However, I should point out that if a student is working with short paragraphs, it's still possible to use manipulatives to put the text together, or even to inscribe the paragraph in chalk on a large surface of pavement, and then have the students walk the paragraph as they read it. In fact, it would be wonderful to have in each school in the country a dedicated space where a large body of text (perhaps a famous poem, or a selection from an inspirational speech, or a passage from a descriptive short story) is colorfully and texturally inscribed on the floor, so that students could regularly take time to physically stroll across the text while reading it. (Perhaps such a text could be changed regularly, so that new reading material would always be available for students to walk, crawl, or run across.)

Beyond such whimsical and somewhat extraordinary suggestions for putting the “texture“ back into “text,“ the greater part of the bodily-kinesthetic focus on text should be on helping students explore, understand, and express the text's meaning in physical ways. I've often suggested to educators that if, after reading a story, teachers would simply have students quickly role-play the material that they have just read, reading comprehension levels would increase rapidly for many students, particularly for many of those students who have been labeled as having attention deficit hyperactivity disorder or learning disabilities (Armstrong, 1997, 1999b, 2000b). There are many ways to work with specific reading comprehension skills through drama, role-play, or pantomime. For example, students might be asked to give the main idea of a passage by providing a “freeze frame“ montage (students assemble themselves in a way that captures the theme), which can then be photographed or videotaped and compared with other groups' physical conceptions of the main idea. Or, on an individual basis, a student might be given a lump of clay, some art supplies, or other plastic materials, and asked to express the main idea through a three-dimensional construction. To help students understand character development in a story, they might be invited to work out a pantomime that expresses the stages a particular character goes through in facing the challenges or conflicts of the story. What we're asking students to do is think through material in the text through their bodies, instead of simply requiring them to sit still at their desks and do all the thinking invisibly.

A particularly effective way to engage students is by having them read the material and act it out simultaneously. Plays are, of course, the best medium for doing this. I remember attending a high school Shakespeare class at an international school in England where the students were standing in the classroom, each with a play in hand, reading and interacting with each other, while the teacher went around to each “reader/actor“ helping them get into the physical feeling of their character. At one point, the teacher encouraged a student to actually slap the script of another student in order to embody the enmity felt by the one character toward the other. Little physical cues like this can have an immense impact upon a student's involvement in a text.

I should point out, however, that an educator can still help students comprehend text using bodily-kinesthetic intelligence without ever even having students leave their desks. This can be accomplished by asking students to explore the meanings of text through their own internal kinesthetic imagery. Kinesthetic imagery refers to inner imagery that represents physical movement, bodily sensations, and tactile impressions (Houston, 1982). A few preliminary exercises can prepare students to understand this form of imagery: have them imagine walking down a road that's been freshly paved with tar (and feeling the imaginary stickiness on their imaginary feet), or basking in the sun (and feeling the imaginary warmth on their imaginary skin), or lifting a heavy weight (and feeling the strain in their imaginary muscles). Tell them that in addition to having a physical body, they also have an imaginary kinesthetic body. Have them raise their actual left arm in the air and put it down again. Then, have them raise and lower their “kinesthetic arm“ (their imaginary left arm) without putting their real physical arm in the air. These kinds of exercises prepare them to understand what is meant by kinesthetic imagery. Then, after reading a text, have the students experience the action of the text (if it is a narrative) by closing their eyes and imagining themselves in the story. If a character in the story is swimming, have the students imagine themselves swimming, focusing on the sensations they have in their bodies, on their skin, and so on. If a character has just eaten an ice cream cone, have the students feel the coldness on their lips and in their throat, and the sweetness and taste of the ice cream, and the crunchiness of the cone.

Some students (especially younger ones) will easily adapt to this kind of approach, and will even outwardly make the actions of licking the ice cream, smacking their lips, and so forth. Other students (such as high school level and adult learners) may have difficulty getting involved in the imagery at first, and may actually need help in accessing the imagery by doing the action outwardly. For example, if a character in a story has just yawned, you might have the students actually yawn themselves as a prompt to identify with the action of the character.

Teachers should particularly identify text where the author has emphasized the use of kinesthetic imagery in the choice of words, metaphors, phrases, and narrative devices. I've already mentioned above how often this occurs in the works of our greatest English writer, William Shakespeare. Pick up virtually any play at random, open a page, and you will find a kinesthetic metaphor. For example, in Henry V, the French Duke of Orleans insults the English army by saying: “Foolish curs, that run winking into the mouth of a Russian bear and have their heads crushed like rotten apples“ (Act 3, Scene 7). Or, in Julius Caesar, Antony comments in the wake of Caesar's assassination: “O pardon me, thou bleeding piece of earth, that I am meek and gentle with these butchers“ (Act 3, Scene 1). Even the names Shakespeare uses for his characters are often kinesthetic, especially his comic figures (for example, in A Midsummer Night's Dream: Nick Bottom, Tom Snout, Robin Starveling). A more contemporary example, James Joyce's Ulysses (the work considered by many critics to be the greatest English-language novel of the 20th century) has an entire chapter dedicated to the body, where the narrative action mimics the peristalsis action of the intestines (with many fitful stops and starts). These works are the touchstones of English language literacy. While few authors reach this height, educators should always be on the look-out in any text for the possibility that kinesthetic imagery may be present. And once kinesthetic imagery has been located in a text, consider accentuating the author's imagery by having students act out the images in the classroom. For example, when Hamlet says in his famous “To be, or not to be“ speech, “Whether ‘tis nobler in the mind to suffer the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune . . .“ (Hamlet, Act 3, Scene 1), students might stand up and briefly act out the gestures involved in being hit with arrows or stones from a slingshot. Or, in a simpler story, if an author writes: “He walked as if with a chip on his shoulder,“ a teacher might give students game chips and ask them to put the chips on their shoulders and walk around the classroom, and then discuss the meaning of the expression and its significance in the context of the story.

Bodily-Kinesthetic Books and Other Literacy Materials

When selecting books and other literacy materials for highly bodily-kinesthetic learners, especially for those who are intimidated by books, it's important to keep in mind that books can involve much more than words; increasingly, nontraditional books that combine words with tactile, physical, or kinesthetic possibilities are being published. I'd like to highlight two publishers in particular, Klutz Press, 455 Portage Ave., Palo Alto, CA 94306, 650-857-0888, klutz-press@aol.com or http://www.klutz.com, and Workman Publishing Company, 708 Broadway, New York, NY 10003-9555, 212-254-5900, info@workman.com. Many of the books sold by these two publishers include attached materials that involve bodily movement or hands-on exploration. For example, a book on juggling is packaged with juggling balls, a book on jump rope rhymes includes a jump rope, and a book on creating with clay comes packaged with the actual clay. These books are exciting because they exemplify a direct relationship between reading and doing. By actively exploring the materials, students become interested in what's inside the book, which leads to more informed use of the materials in a positive cycle of mutual reinforcement.

Other publishers have gone even further by creating books that actually come apart and can be reconstructed into something useful or instructive“for example, creating a working clock or a medieval castle from the materials of the book. For very young children, touch-and-feel books provide an immediate tactile experience along with the words, and scratch-and-sniff books give tactile and olfactory stimulation. For upper elementary to adult learners, any how-to book, even if devoid of hands-on features, nevertheless promotes active exploration and should be considered part of any bodily-kinesthetic library. Also, look at selecting books for their tactile and physical qualities. Some books consist of paper with a rougher or smoother “feel“ than average, or have more deeply inscribed print that readers can touch as they read along. Other books, in their largeness or smallness, or unusual shape, make reading and manipulating the book a unique physical event. Finally, the ultimate kinesthetic experience is to engage students in making their own books from scratch, including making the paper, the ink, and the bindings, and then doing their own calligraphy on the pages.

Bodily-Kinesthetic Literacy Styles

Back in the 1970s, when I was just starting out in teaching, I became familiar with a literacy program called Modern Reading that was being used with so-called “at risk“ boys who today we would label ADHD and perhaps also conduct disordered (von Hilshiemer, 1970). What interested me about this program was that it was based on teaching reading in a fast-paced style (individual reading sessions with the instructor lasted only a minute or two) and it let the students chew gum while reading comics independently in groups lying on the floor among soft pillows. Now, as I look back on this long-defunct program, I realize that it was a product of the '60s counterculture and is not likely to be replicated soon in any of today's school systems. And yet, I see in this program something admirable, and that is its recognition of the need to match literacy acquisition with the tempo and style of the students. It was a hyperactive program for hyperactive students! This realization suggests something more fundamental to me, and that is that we need to consider the broader “literacy styles“ of students in helping them learn to read and write. And it seems to me that the traditional image we have of literacy acquisition“that of a student sitting at a desk quietly turning pages or writing with a pen or pencil“does not really work for the highly bodily-kinesthetic student. Instead, we need to consider ways in which we can, as educators, reconceptualize the processes of reading and writing to consider the needs of students who are movers, builders, touchers, and squirmers. What this means, in part, is that we need to discard the traditional image of the silent, motionless reader or writer and envision other, more tactile and mobile ways in which literacy can be achieved and practiced. Here are some suggestions:

  • Let students read standing up, lying down, or in some other posture that allows them to feel comfortable (and provide a corresponding learning environment where this can be achieved, such as a cozy reading area with pillows and soft carpeting). This practice should apply not just to young children, but also to older learners as well (where comfortable sofas or easy chairs may be more appropriate).
  • Give students opportunities to move and read at the same time. For example, students could walk while they read in a “reading and moving“ space. (I should point out that the image of a scholar reading while walking around was quite predominant in the 18th and 19th centuries, and numerous instances of this can be found in the literature of the time.) For older students and adult learners, suggest the possibility of reading while on an exercise bike or other fitness machine (many models now include a holder for books, newspapers, and magazines).
  • Allow students to use their hands and fingers while they read. Speed-reading programs have long used finger movements as a way to keep the eye moving at a fast rate. Touching the words that one reads increases the kinesthetic connection to the material (remember what I said above about the historical origins of reading as a tactile experience).
  • Whenever possible, let students write in the books that they read and in other ways interact manually with their books. I'm not talking here of workbooks that are meant to be written in, but rather about physical engagement with real books and other literacy materials. When a student can interact directly and physically with the book, writing in the margins, making notations, dog-earing special pages, manipulating bookmarks, and putting sticky notes on favorite passages, for example, there is a real sense of kinesthetic involvement with a book. A well-worn book (which should be seen as one of the most admirable signs of literacy) is like a well-worn sofa or couch, displaying hours, days, or years of direct physical contact.
  • Allow students to use pens, pencils, and other writing implements that provide tactile stimulation. Some writing implements come with special grips or shapes that fit especially well in the hand or that feel good to the touch. A graphite pencil provides a certain vibration on the surface of a piece of paper that is very different from that of a ballpoint pen or a fountain pen, and these differences may be important to the highly kinesthetic learner. Also, as with reading, let students use paper for writing that has interesting textures and surfaces.
  • Let students precede or follow their reading and writing with physical exercises designed to help them relax, center, or just get the jiggles out of their system. These exercises can include progressive relaxation, educational kinesiology or Brain-Gym activities (Dennison & Dennison, 1994; Hannaford, 1995), yoga, stretching, aerobics, calisthenics, or any other activity that may help the highly physical learner. Some students may be more amenable to learning to read or write if they've just come from a physical education class or have been involved in a sport of some kind.

For Further Study

I hope that the suggestions provided in this chapter will spur further research and application of bodily-kinesthetic intelligence to literacy issues. Here are some suggestions for getting started right away:

  • Create a “body-phonics“ program by linking each of the 44 phonemes of the English language (or those specific phonemes that students have greatest difficulty with) to a specific physical movement, posture, or gesture.
  • Design an area of the learning environment that allows students to read and move, or write and move, at the same time.
  • Look over the text material that you are currently using in your program and identify specific examples of kinesthetic imagery used by the author that you can highlight and work with in your lessons.
  • Take a list of “sight words“ and have students create physical movements or freeze-frame postures that go along with each word meaning. Then photograph or videotape the list of word performances for future reference.
  • Create a “bodily-kinesthetic library“ of books for your students (including books that have hands-on attachments and books that can be manipulated or taken apart and put back together as three-dimensional structures).
  • Develop five new spelling strategies that engage the whole body.
  • Inscribe a piece of text on a large floor surface (indoors or out-doors), and then engage students in reading the text with their feet. Have them stop along the way to act out word meanings or dramatize the content of particular sections.